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In Memory of Jose Antonio Font

In Memory of Jose Antonio Font

José Antonio Font – December 17, 1947 – December 15, 2015

Some remarkable men have recently left this world in a rather unexpected and bitingly unfavorable way. One of these men was my father. Nepotism aside, he was incontestably an extraordinary man, not only receiving countless, emeritus tributes and honors for what can most easily be described as various entrepreneurial accomplishments, but for an arduous career to advance freedom in the economies and societies of the Western hemisphere.

As a student of American University’s School of International Service and Diplomacy, it is interesting to note that he was once granted a “full ride” through his PhD but reluctantly declined mid-way, never finding the time to oblige; he was at once consumed by his leadership role in founding the Ibero-American Chamber of Commerce in Greater Washington D.C. and later the National Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, feeling the need to address more critical issues of the time. Both institutions still thrive today. They, and tiny-colossal projects like establishing what was once the Washington World Gallery of Art in Georgetown and its adjacent hot-spot, Café de Artistas in the late ‘70s, early ‘80s were to lead him down a fairly different path.

Brilliant, sensitive and strong, he was something of a peaceful warrior, invariably fighting bullies, championing the underdog of the moment, and continuously lending a hand to the less fortunate, the worthy and the helpless. You may be entertained to know that in Cuba, as a ten-year-old Judo master, my father appeared on a highly popular live television show, ultimately demonstrating how even a small boy could fend for himself against tyrannous men. This entailed levelling ten adult males in their attempt to encircle and attack him. I have the black and white photo to prove it.

Story has it that as a precocious, little boy he would often confront a band of aggressors at school given to behaviors he deemed deplorable. Namely, unscrupulous kids taking pleasure in throwing stones (more often than not, at birds and other guiltless creatures). From a young age, he was irrefutably profound with a deep respect for life and all living things, becoming an impossibly ethical man of many deeply rooted principles.

A product of a grand experiment in freedom, his parents left Cuba with the advent of that totalitarian, military regime we all know and love so much. [Ahem] Bearing witness to his family’s destruction and the catastrophic demise of all they had worked so hard to build had more than its traumatic effect on him; it determined the rest of his painstaking life. This is what forged a martyr. This is what made a freedom fighter. And with a gracious appreciation for his new found home (the great country in which most of us here live today) was born a resolute proponent and activist of free enterprise and real representative democracy. His last endeavor was the Alianza Democrática, focused on power through knowledge, so that people may never fall prey to demagogues and tyrants.

Anyone who knew the man knows that he was not one to concern himself with the trivial ins-and-outs of pop culture, or even pretend to indulge in such frivolity. Forget fluff; the more weighty, the more complicated or challenging the subject, the more it agreed with him. By him, his ventures were always ambitious, never insurmountable - just seemingly impossible, to most. The man was bent on building lasting institutions on causes and purpose. (The biography of John Adams was one of his favorites.)

It is safe to say that my father, Jose Antonio Font will forever be remembered by most as a social and human-rights activist, a leader, a trailblazer, and well, a builder, bold and unafraid to push boundaries and rethink the world. (I will remember him as my dad.) He could, and often did inspire people with a dollar and a dream or a problem to solve. He was a man interested in philosophy, obsessed with justice, and ultimately consumed by politics.

Funny enough (almost tragically), the shamelessly weathered, virtually disintegrating, moth-chewed T-shirt which he just happened to be wearing when he passed away did its best to dress his blessed heart with the eroded phrase: “Freedom Is Not Free”. His shirt, a token of philanthropic appreciation featuring the worn-out slogan that finally served to describe the very ideal that arguably cost him his entire life.

Now, more than ever, it is evident by his case that freedom is not free, at all. And that that the freedom for which he fought so hard to bring to others came at a tremendous sacrifice – to his health, to his pocket, to his time, to his family and paradoxically enough, to his personal ability to find rest in his living years.

His mission to help liberate Cuba, fight for the oppressed and rid the world of despotic characters became an exhausting quest. It is this force of unremitting will, through his slender eyes on the freedom prize, and his ethics to prestigious form that shall forever resonate by his soul, so admirably.

December 17th marked his 68th birthday, and we should have celebrated it with him. That was the plan; instead it is with deep sadness that we respectfully mourn the loss of his life, just two days prior; a week before Christmas.

My father and I, well, we were fairly close, close enough for me to have wrestled with his lifeless body in order to give him his final bath. And, I was thorough, in the same way he taught me to bathe myself when I was barely standing. This time, I was the one washing him. And, let me tell you something, not only had this once physically and mentally strong man been radically rendered utterly like a child; he was now very suddenly dead.

Yet somehow, I can’t tell you why, the son-of-a-gun looked better than ever – svelte as he never was, with newborn tears from the corners of his eyes, and totally at peace with his faithful God. Not a care-worn wrinkle in his otherwise typically furrowed brow…his last utterance having something to do with his mother, or mine, or well, the loving woman who gradually and eventually became a mother to us both.

Many will attest that it was difficult to resist the earthy and sensuous qualities in my father’s makeup, and countless aimed to be involved with him as fully as possible, and for as much time as possible. Many who wanted to meet him, never had the pleasure, even. Probably one of the few men left to refuse money for politics, he was someone rather indifferent to the material, firmly bound to ideas, individuals, structures and organizations, even if these things inhibited or held up his individual development or growth. This became particularly evident when circumstances dictated that it was time to move on; his martyrdom prevailed, albeit to little or no avail.

One might say the fate of his romantic theories flat-out lied to him. One might say those idealistic theories proposed with tremendous personal stakes and international reputation ultimately betrayed him…betrayed him with harsh reality…with injustice…with crushing disappointment. I know, for a fact, he felt jipped…cheated. I believe that this is when his personal political convictions for a higher purpose became his pious convictions for a higher power, improvising with the sub-standard to find the exquisite, or a pristine point of light.

The universe, not ready to yield all of its secrets, reveals the following to me. The extraordinary values that set the man apart are the very things that will forever keep us together – what humanity can do so well in a world where humanity is capable of quite the contrary…great achievements of pure good in a world of such scattered impurity.

This is the way that I will, and that you may, pay sincere respect to my father for all the good he so selflessly put into our world obscured by smudges of treachery and strife. Not to mention, a world wherein he never reached his PhD, never saw a free Cuba, never met his grandchildren, and never took his wife to Italy. It is in this world that I ask you to capture my father’s undying glimmer of idealism, and run with it; take what became something of his mantra in eternal optimism as he would say, “We’re almost there.” and show him that you know the way. Or, just follow him. I’m sure at this point, he has finally asked for directions and even knows the scenic route.

Because, although I cannot adequately explain how lost he may have felt about his shortcomings before leaving us, I can very clearly list out his virtues. And to me, that is not only admirable and inspiring, that is a shining beacon and my guiding light.

If you’re listening, Papi, I’d like to thank you. Thank you for teaching me all that you did, and giving me all the love you had to give. I love you very much.

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Modificaciones electorales: La próxima trama del castrismo

Modificaciones electorales: La próxima trama del castrismo

modificaciones electorales trama del castrismo

El despotismo castrocomunista ha convertido en una industria el arte de confabular, atrevida y descaradamente. Su mayor reto siempre fue la durabilidad dictatorial, reposando sobre una ideología que apuntaba concretar los delirios generalizados de Rousseau que Marx y Engels supieron pulir y Lenin le añadió la coherencia práctica. La implantación, primero, de un régimen totalitario de corte comunista y luego su supervivencia, en pleno Guerra Fría y a 90 millas de la antítesis sistémica y el soldado más apuesto en el bando contrario de esa contienda, no ha sido cosa fácil.

Cincuenta y siete años de dictadura ininterrumpida y sin arrepentimientos, es prueba que el castrismo ha sabido jugar el póquer de las relaciones internacionales a su favor, con mucha astucia. El control poblacional doméstico, lo lograron con una mezcla criolla de terror (duro y suave), dádivas selectas y una propaganda majestuosa. Para el exterior, tanto la diáspora como el mundo libre, la distorsión de la realidad y la manipulación de las circunstancias, han sido permanencias en la racionalización estratégica del comunismo cubano. Nunca han escatimado los recursos necesarios para intentar asegurar que en ese juego de cartas global, las jugadas puedan ser predecibles y seguras. Espías y una gama de cortesanos han sido las fichas preferidas para intentar modular los acontecimientos en el orbe democrático, pero muy en especial, en los EE UU.

El pretender captar el pulso que mide la voluntad del ocupante de la Casa Blanca, en todo momento, ha sido una obsesión de la dictadura cubana. No es esta una obstinación meramente caprichosa. Tiene su sentido. Tanto el comunismo internacional como el cubano, han tenido experiencias muy diferentes dependiendo de quién ha sido el presidente norteamericano. John F. Kennedy dejó el legado de Playa Girón, el Muro de Berlín, Vietnam y la colocación de mísiles nucleares ofensivos apuntando a territorio estadounidense (luego removidos a cambio de la reciprocidad en Turquía y un infame pacto no-escrito de tolerancia). Jimmy Carter fue testigo bajo su reloj del banquete rojo en Centro América, las aventuras castristas en Angola y otras partes de África, Afganistán, el Mariel, el ascenso del islamismo radical chiita en Irán, et al.

ronald reagan 256x170Con Ronald Reagan, el ensayo de vida para los comunistas fue muy distinto. La política post segúnda guerra mundial de contención fue sustituida por una de reversión. Se cayó el comunismo soviético, el sandinismo, se salvó El Salvador, pararon las operaciones bélicas castristas en África, etc. En Granada vimos, con claridad, la valentía del comunismo cubano en ejercicio, cuando tiene delante a un presidente norteamericano comprometido con la promoción de la libertad y la voluntad para llevarlo a cabo. El hecho de que el actual presidente estadounidense sea antitético a Reagan, no es algo que se le ha escapado a la dictadura de los Castro.

El Presidente Obama quiere ir a Cuba. El dictador Raúl Castro quiere que vaya. La serie de inconvenientes como la habitual golpiza a mujeres que marchan pacíficamente por turbas paraestatales, la supresión sistémica de libertades civiles y políticas, la denegación de retornar a prófugos de la justicia norteamericana, la desestimación de indemnizar a los estadounidenses por lo que se les robó (entre $7 a $8 mil millones), el tráfico ilegal de armas con regímenes también delincuentes, son sólo algunas de las imprudencias que dificultan lo que quieren el presidente de los EE UU y el dictador de Cuba. El misil secuestrado en Cuba desde junio de 2014 y recién revelado, en plena negociación con el gobierno de Obama, es ahora otra mancha más que complica la posibilidad de que el jefe ejecutivo de la democracia norteamericana pueda visitar la casa del tirano, honorablemente. Esto urge la gestación de otro espejismo para desviar la atención mientras pintan otro cuadro que falsifica la realidad.

El castrocomunismo se siente cómodo en el molde estructural del comunismo asiático, e. g., China, Vietnam. Una economía mixta dentro de un Estado leninista que retiene los matices retóricos de una ideología radical, encaja muy correctamente el prototipo generalizado practicado en Cuba desde los 1990´s (distanciando grados de intensidad con los modelos chino/vietnamita). El oxímoron personificado que es el titulado modelo de “economía de mercado socialista”, busca increpar sólo el entorno económico y hacer desaparecer nociones de algo de liberalización en lo político. El problema para el despotismo cubano con el comunismo asiático es la geografía, la fuerza de su diáspora y la historia.  

La nación cubana exiliada es considerablemente más próspera y productiva que Cuba intramuros. En adición a eso, la democracia ha sido el modelo político en que ha vivido. Quien ha formado parte de una sociedad libre, entiende sin ni siquiera saberlo que la libertad es un derecho, por natura, irrenunciable. La dictadura castrista y la administración de Obama tendrán que vencer ese extraordinario obstáculo. Tienen que ir a un modelo que, al menos, sea un simulacro de una “democracia”.

El concentrar la retórica en simplismos vacíos cuya premisa reposa exclusivamente en lo económico, en “oportunidades” prometidas y quimeras de una “sociedad civil” que es invisible e inalcanzable dado las grietas del modelo político cubano actual, es la fórmula de mercadeo que ha confeccionado la dictadura cubana con el gobierno de Obama hasta el momento. Tienen que ir un paso más.

Algunas mentes más desprendida del fanatismo oficialista, sin duda comprenden que el premio grande y a largo plazo es una “normalización” completa y verdadera para ellos (la dictadura). Esto requiere dos cosas: (1) el derrumbe de las sanciones (embargo); (2) la aceptación/tolerancia de facto de su modelo dictatorial. Este segundo punto obliga una fabricación de algo de jure, que en el ejercicio concreto sirva para ofuscar la realidad dictatorial y ofrezca una salida con la aparición de una pseudo “democracia”. La legalidad socialista cubana anunciará la tolerancia de una oposición leal y tendrán votaciones que servirán como un agente legitimador, pero nunca un escenario para la competencia libre por el poder político.

Con el titulado socialismo del siglo XXI jugándose su futuro en Venezuela, estamos viviendo la prueba de fuego para este prototipo autoritario, relativamente nuevo, que sobrelleva la existencia de una oposición pero cuyo sistema electoral y sus instituciones están doblegadas al poder dictatorial que anula cualquier posibilidad de que existe una opción viable de cambiar de gobierno, mucho menos de régimen. Hay que recordar que en el caso venezolano y las últimas elecciones legislativas, la variable de las fuerzas armadas que en esta ocasión desobedeció el mando chavocastrista, hizo la diferencia. La lucha de poderes que estaremos viendo en la patria de Bolivar, nos facilitará un mejor entendimiento hasta qué extremo el castrocomunismo estará dispuesto a flexibilizar su nuevo y venidero modelo electoral.

¿Cuándo lo anunciará la dictadura? Nos enteraremos en las páginas de The New York Times. Ese ha sido la manera que se ha hecho. Un editorial o más y luego cuando esté determinado que el público está listo, pues la bomba de sorpresa. Ya el Presidente Obama le envió una señal a la dictadura castrista en su entrevista del catorce de diciembre del año pasado con Yahoo News que quiere ir a Cuba y que necesita una justificativa meritoria al ojo que examina poco. La tiranía fue rápida en contestarle al mandatario norteamericano. Le dijeron que puede ir cuando quiera, siempre y cuando no los molesta con reproches por ser una tiranía. Obama, sin embargo, pese a lo innegable de ser la de él, una presidencia imperial, tiene que mantener cierto decoro y es, al final, un año de elecciones en los EE UU.

¿Quiénes compondrán esa “oposición leal”? Ya fueron escogidos y están en proceso de espera, aunque ellos mismos no lo sepan. Por seguro, todos ellos están o estarán en ese momento, virulentamente en contra de las sanciones al régimen que le ha concedido el espacio para aparecer. Enunciarán su inclinación por una amnesia generalizada que intente borrar los crímenes de lesa humanidad que la inhumana tiranía ha cometido. Aplaudirán la piñata cubana y favorecerán el mutismo ante la cuestión de quitarles a la cúpula dictatorial lo que se han robado a mansalva. Por supuesto que serán entusiastas estruendosos de las relaciones entre el despotismo cubano y los EE UU. No se pronunciarán en público contra cambios sistémicos, sino ajustes al actual modelo. Atacarán a la verdadera oposición virulentamente. El castrocomunismo los premiará.

El curso de la historia, sin embargo, no va a detener el inevitable cambio sistémico e integral que Cuba relama. La democracia es mucho más que votaciones. El simulacro que la dictadura cubana está elaborando en estos momentos tendrá, calculablemente, el apoyo de la actual administración norteamericana. Eso es la alfombra roja que Obama busca. ¿Por qué no va pensar La Habana que pueden engatusar a los EE UU con una rudimentaria simulación de una “democracia”?

Julio M. Shiling, Miami | 20/01/2016 1:43 pm. Publicado en Cubaencuentro  Ver publicación y opiniones en cubaencuentro.com Ver otros Artículos

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AEI Report: Time for US leadership in the Americas

aei report US leadership americas FB 

Key Points

  • Progress in the Americas—including supporting the new democratic majority in Venezuela, advancing essential freedoms in Cuba, and promoting prosperity throughout the region—demands much more active and ambitious US leadership.
  • Flagging economic growth and widespread corruption in key Latin American countries have produced popular dissatisfaction with big-government solutions, creating an opportunity for free-market policies to restore prosperity.
  • Urgent US sanctions targeting criminal kingpins—despots in Venezuela, cronies in El Salvador, narcoguerrillas in Colombia—can make a crucial and timely contribution to democracy and security.

Introduction

In 2016, the United States has the opportunity to advance key US interests in the Americas—eclipsing the failed and fading legacy of the late Venezuelan leader Hugo Chávez, filling the void that China’s receding demand created, and backing a trend toward accountable policies. Predictably, President Barack Obama’s outreach to the Raúl Castro regime in Cuba has failed to produce the results that he hoped would leave a lasting legacy.[1] However, he has one final year to make a meaningful contribution to democracy, the rule of law, and free-market economics in the Americas as a whole.

For nearly two decades, several countries have succumbed to a mix of authoritarian populism, statist economic policies, and unsustainable social spending—giving government such an overbearing role in national economies that it spurred corruption and undermined democracy. Regrettably, in the last decade, the United States failed to advance any alternatives to big-government strategies.

Meanwhile, regional antidrug cooperation that willing Andean neighbors forged with the United States 25 years ago has virtually disintegrated today.[2] At first, leftist regimes in Bolivia, Ecuador, and Venezuela defied this US-led agenda. Eventually, several became complicit with narcocorruption—with little or no pushback from US policymakers.[3] Now, Colombia’s government is gutting key antidrug policies in its rush to make peace with narcoguerrillas, but US diplomats have failed to counsel against making peace at any price.[4] Transnational organized crime destabilizes a half-dozen countries, but the Obama administration plans to throw US tax dollars at the symptoms in Central America while neglecting the narcostate in Venezuela.

In a number of countries in recent months, elections and opinion polls suggest that people are seeking alternatives to statist formulas that have produced political repression, economic recession, or both.[5] President Obama has the opportunity to salvage the final year of his mandate by empowering his diplomatic and economic team to demonstrate US leadership in key areas:

Show that the United States cares about its neighbors. Energize outreach to like-minded governments, civil society, and the private sector, and speak out on a host of practical and pressing issues—including fighting corruption in Central America, promoting political accountability and practical economic solutions in Haiti, and rallying solidarity with the region’s democrats, beginning in Venezuela and Cuba. Lead with free-market solutions. The secretary of the treasury should form a regional working group of finance ministers to develop a prosperity agenda for aggregating and channeling private capital and international assistance to private-sector entrepreneurs, liberalizing internal markets, modernizing infrastructure, maximizing energy production, and tapping the benefits of international trade. Help rescue Venezuela and support the new democratic majority. Call for an urgent meeting of foreign ministers at the Organization of American States under the Inter-American Democratic Charter to respond to the Nicolás Maduro regime’s attempts to deny the democratic opposition the National Assembly supermajority it won on December 6. Put narcotraffickers and other transnational criminals on the defensive. Use executive authorities to sanction individuals (denying access to the US financial system and freezing assets) who play a disproportionate role in undermining democracy and the rule of law. Promote principled peace in Colombia. Encourage the Colombian government to negotiate a tough, enforceable agreement with the guerrillas, such as Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC); fortify the agreement with a constitutional referendum; and restore effective extradition and coca-eradication programs if the FARC fails to cease drug-related crimes. Support the right of the Cuban people to choose their own future. Reprioritize their human rights, democracy, and economic liberty in compliance with the bipartisan Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity (LIBERTAD) Act of 1996. Challenge the Castro regime for meddling in Venezuelan affairs. Filling the Vacuum of Responsible Leadership

President Obama and Secretary of State John Kerry clearly come from a school of thought that sees Latin America and the Caribbean as a bundle of grievances against US interference. When, in November 2013 at the Organization of American States (OAS), Kerry declared, “The era of the Monroe Doctrine is over,” he might have admitted that the Obama administration’s policy is to leave the Americas alone, literally.[6] Dutiful career US diplomats have fashioned a policy of benign reticence—self-conscious silence as leftist caudillos (strongmen) dismantled democratic institutions, muzzled independent media, and jailed political opponents; as unsustainable social programs and corruption smothered burgeoning economies; and as China muscled its way into a natural US market with mercantile tactics and predatory loans.[7]

Minding these matters is the United States’ business.

It is a fallacy that Latin America regards any sort of engagement by Washington as unhealthy intervention. The truth is the United States can work with like-minded democrats to reenergize the Inter-American Democratic Charter—starting with reviewing the conditions of democracy, human rights, and the separation of powers in Venezuela. Luis Almagro, the new OAS secretary general, deserves the strong backing of the United States and other democratic governments, so the OAS can reassert its role in detecting and responding to threats to democracy and human rights.[8]

There is dramatic evidence that people in many countries need and welcome their neighbors’ renewed solidarity. In Guatemala, a political neophyte, Jimmy Morales, was elected president in October with two-thirds of the popular vote. His election came after months of peaceful popular protests, which forced President Otto Pérez Molina (and his vice president) to resign in the face of corruption charges uncovered by a prosecutor backed up by a UN-sanctioned (and US-backed) international investigative team.[9] Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández has turned to the OAS for similar international assistance to ferret out corruption.[10]

In Haiti, the United States and the international community cannot merely provide aid while ignoring the feudal economic system, nor should they pay for periodic elections and then neglect political dysfunction. Once the current electoral impasse is resolved, the United States and other donors must press Haiti’s new president and parliament to govern responsibly and eliminate the culture of cronyism and corruption. Haitian leaders, in government and business, should be challenged to take practical steps to modernize the economy from the bottom up, emphasizing private initiatives that create decent jobs and give people a stake in the future. This requires transparent policies that encourage domestic and international investment.[11] As Haitians begin to identify responsible government with greater prosperity, their leaders can pursue the long-term goal of reforming the country’s political institutions to make them more accountable and relevant.

Poverty and insecurity in some Latin American and Caribbean countries are primarily caused by a lack of strong, accountable institutions that can foster economic development and provide for public security. For these valid reasons, the United States has been active for 80 years in promoting democracy and the rule of law in the Americas. In numerous countries in recent years—including Guatemala, Haiti, Argentina, and Brazil—people demonstrated their faith in these democratic solutions to the toughest problems. In each case, legislatures, courts, independent media, civil society, the rule of law, or free and fair elections have played indispensable, positive roles.

US foreign policy cannot be timid when these values and institutions are tested. Although some in the region complain about the appearance of US meddling, many have come to expect US solidarity with its neighbors in defense of shared principles.

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Libertad, democracia, derechos humanos, Cuba y el mundo

Mensaje por el Día de la Independencia de EEUU

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Empresas, genuflexión y la libre expresión

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Arrestan a los Hermanos Miranda Leyva

Arrestan a los Hermanos Miranda Leyva. Maydolis Leyva denuncia la detención arbitraria de sus tres hijos por la policía política de la dictadura castrocomunista. Fidel Manuel Batista Leyva fue llevado en la patrulla 481 y mis dos hijas(Ana Iris y Ada Iris) en otra patrulla que no sé cuál será, la detención fue en la esquina de nuestra vivienda, en Holguín… Ver artículo completo
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Red Avispa, Netflix, Irán, Venezuela y castrismo. Cary Roque y Julio M. Shiling analizan la falsedad histórica de la película Red Avispa presentada y promovida por Netfix, y las relaciones geopolíticas de Irán con la dictadura de Venezuela patrocinada por el castrismo; en el programa Tras la Noticia de Radio y Televisión Martí, transmitido el 26 de junio,… Ver artículo completo

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grupos-comunistas-detras-de-las-protestas-violentas-en-eeuu Grupos comunistas detrás de las protestas violentas en EEUU. Las protestas pacíficas en varias ciudades de EE. UU. comenzaron por la muerte de George Floyd, pero ahora estas protestas se han convertido en un caos...
Por PanAm Post
cubanos-y-venezolanos-pagaban-para-promover-caos-en-manifestaciones Cubanos y venezolanos pagaban para promover caos en manifestaciones en EEUU. Múltiples manifestantes detenidos en Miami y otras ciudades de EEUU declararon ante el FBI haber recibido dinero de activistas de Cuba y...

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